1)
1000 - 1018
Anonymous:
Fragment on the Origins of Nations
What is possibly the earliest written reference to the Albanians is that to be found in an old Bulgarian text compiled around the beginning of the eleventh century. It was discovered in a Serbian manuscript dated 1628 and was first published in 1934 by Radoslav Grujic. This fragment of a legend from the time of Tsar Samuel endeavours, in a catechismal 'question and answer' form, to explain the origins of peoples and languages. It divides the world into seventy-two languages and three religious categories: Orthodox, half-believers (i.e. non-Orthodox Christians) and non-believers. Though the Serbs go unmentioned, the Albanians, still a small conglomeration of nomadic mountain tribes at this time, find their place among the nations of half-believers. If we accept the dating of Grujic, which is based primarily upon the contents of the text as a whole, this would be the earliest written document referring to the Albanians as a people or language group.
It can be seen that there are various languages on earth. Of them, there are five Orthodox languages: Bulgarian, Greek, Syrian, Iberian (Georgian) and Russian. Three of these have Orthodox alphabets: Greek, Bulgarian and Iberian. There are twelve languages of half-believers: Alamanians, Franks, Magyars (Hungarians), Indians, Jacobites, Armenians, Saxons, Lechs (Poles), Arbanasi (Albanians), Croatians, Hizi, Germans.
2)
1038, 1042, 1078
Michael Attaleiates:
The First Byzantine References
Michael Attaleiates was a Byzantine lawyer and historian who rose to high office under the emperors Romanus IV (r. 1067-1071) and Michael VII (r. 1071-1078). His 'History', covering the years 1034-1079, is a largely eyewitnessed account of political and military events in the Byzantine Empire. It was during this period that the Byzantine Greeks first took note of the Albanians as a people.
When the Emperor Michael (1), who passed away in piety and whose home is known to have been the province of Paphlagonia, took up the sceptre of the Byzantine Empire, the Agarene (2) people in Sicily in the West were defeated by Byzantine naval and land forces.
And had not the well-known George Maniakes, who had been entrusted with the general command, been eliminated on the slanderous accusation that he was hungry for power, and had not the military command of the war been transferred to others, that large and renowned island, blessed with large cities knowing no lack of precious goods, would still be under Byzantine control. Now, however, jealousy has destroyed not only the man and his endeavours, but also that enormous undertaking (3). For when subsequent commanders made base and shameful plans and decisions, not only was the island lost to Byzantium, but also the greater part of the army. Unfortunately, the people who had once been our allies and who possessed the same rights as citizens and the same religion, i.e. the Albanians and the Latins, who live in the Italian regions of our Empire beyond Western Rome, quite suddenly became enemies when Michael Dokenianos insanely directed his command against their leaders...
Constantine IX Monomachos (4) proved to be more benevolent on the imperial throne than his predecessor. He conveyed imperial honours and gifts to almost everyone with ambition, and delighted his subjects. Suddenly storm clouds gathered in the West and threatened him with nothing less than destruction and expulsion from the throne. The aforementioned George with the surname Maniakes, thirsting for blood, began an uprising in the Italian part of the Empire with Byzantine and Albanian soldiers there, being offended because the emperor had shown him a lack of respect and fearing the emperor in view of previous hostilities. He caused great turmoil in the rest of the army opposing him and took it over. After having set up his camp at a two days' march from Thessalonika, he made his attack on the imperial camp in the evening...
When this had taken place and the usurpers had gradually calmed down, another disaster began to take its course and to spread like a poisonous weed intent on destroying the crops. The danger came from the city of Epidamnus (Durrës). The Protoprohedros Duke Basiliakes, who had been sent there by the emperor, having succeeded in avoiding Bryennius and withdrawing from Adrianopole, took over Durrës and assembled an army there from all the surrounding regions. By soliciting support for his side by means of substantial gifts, he succeeded in having the Franks enter his territory from Italy and attempted to make use of them for his side. By various pretences and means, he collected money from everyone under his order and command, set up a list and used as a pretext for this arms buildup the fact that he intended to attack Bryennius as a renegade. Once he had ensured that he had indeed assembled a large army and forces fit for action, composed of Byzantine Greeks, Bulgarians and Albanians and of his own soldiers, he set off and hastened to Thessalonika...
3)
1154
Muhammad al-Idrisi:
The Book of Roger
Muhammed al-Idrisi was a celebrated Arab geographer. He was born in Ceuta in North Africa and is said to have studied in Cordoba, travelling widely throughout Andalusia and North Africa. For reasons which are unclear, he settled at the court of King Roger II of Sicily (r. 1105-1154), for whom he compiled a geography of the known world. This work, known as the 'Book of Roger', is divided into seven climate zones. It was completed in 1154 and provides some useful information on Albania and Macedonia.
We can state that Venetian territory, the land of the Slavs and, in general, everything bathed by the Adriatic Sea is surrounded as a zone on the eastern side by a chain of mountains which begins 30 miles from Adrianople (Edirne). These mountains are called Lessû (Lezha) and at the top of them there is a town of the same name. They stretch northwards up to Kastoria and there is also a chain of them across from Drast (Durrës) through which the road leading to that town and elsewhere passes. There, the mountain range is called al-Tamûra (Tomor). Three rivers which flow towards Lablûna (Vlora) and Durrës take their sources there. The first river, that of Vlora, is called the Shuzza (Vjosa), the second is called the Dâblî (Devoll) and the third is called Istrîna (Drin). This chain then stretches from the Durrës road 40 miles up to Jâdhra (Zadar). From the point nearest to Adrianople and the town of Janina there is a mountain range which stretches to the gulf of the Peloponnesian Sea and ends 80 miles from Thebes. Naupaktos is on the coast at the foot of this range.
As to the mountain of Lezha, to which we have referred, it is situated 15 miles from Durrës. It is 30 miles from the town of Lezha to Duljîna (Ulcinj) on the Adriatic Sea. And from there to the mountain it is 12 miles.
This mountain range stretches firstly to near Antibra (Bar), a fair town built on a hillside 3 miles from the sea, as is the mountain; secondly to Qadara (Kotor), a place situated 3 miles from the mountains at the edge of one of the mountain ranges; and thirdly to the town of Ragusa (Dubrovnik), which is also situated at the edge of the mountains.
Across from the town of Kotor, of which we have spoken, and beyond the mountains at a distance of 15 miles is Qâmyû (1), a flourishing town situated near a range of mountains which surrounds it in the form of a kâf (2) such that one can only reach it from one side.
The mountain range continues towards Stagno (Ston) where a huge and lofty range stands out, on which the town is situated. Then on to Asbâlatû (Split)...
Between the Adriatic Sea and the straits of Constantinople there are numerous famed sites, towns and capitals. We intend, with the help of God, to refer to them in detail and in order. As such, we say that the road from Durrës to Akhrisopoli (Chrysoupolis) is as follows.
From Durrës on the banks of the Adriatic Sea, journeying by land in the direction of Constantinople, one first of all reaches Petrela, situated on a promontory at a distance of two days. From there, it is a distance of 4 days to Okhrida (Ohrid). This town is remarkable as to the significance of its prosperity and its commerce. It is built on a pleasant promontory not far from a large lake where they fish on boats. There is much cultivated land around the lake, which is to the south of the town. Its circumference is slightly more than 3 days.
It is a distance of 2 days from here to Bûlghû (Polog / Tetovo), a fair town situated on the summit of a lofty mountain. At one day's distance from here, travelling to the northeast, is Asqûfia (Skopje), a large town surrounded by contiguous cultivated land, by many vineyards and field.
4)
1257
George Acropolites:
An Albanian Uprising
Historian George Acropolites (1217-1282) was the tutor of Emperor Theodore II Lascaris (r. 1254-1258) and later became rector of the university in Constantinople. His 'Chronicle' of the Nicaean Empire, based to a good degree on first-hand information and personal observations, covers the years 1203-1261.
The Emperor (1) therefore departed for the East and I remained in the western part of the Empire. After setting off from Thessalonika, I arrived in Berrhoia (Veria). The emissaries of the Pope were waiting there, whom I was to send back home on order of the emperor. I remained there for a short time to discharge the papal emissaries and to deal with other business and then, leaving that town, I set off for Albania. Passing through Serbia, Kastoria and the Achrida (Ohrid) region, I arrived in Albania and from there, reached Dyrrachion (Durrës) with the notables of that region. There I remained for eight days and then departed, having given orders as I deemed fit and having made all necessary preparations for the trip, including orders for the city of Durrës itself. I then left Durrës and, passing through Chounavia, crossed the mountain range known as 'Kake Petra' to reach Mate (Mat) and from there, Debre (Dibra). I met all the officials who were on my route: city regents, heads of local military camps and officials of the government administration. From there, I reached Prilep via Kytzabis. The journey from Thessalonika to Prilep I covered in three months during the winter (2). It was December when I left Berrhoia and the end of February when I reached Prilep.
Upon my arrival there, I received word of a most distressing event, i.e. the following: Constantine Chabaron, who had been given supreme command over Albania by the emperor, had been taken prisoner by the Despot Michael, and this, due to the intrigues of Maria, his wife's sister, who had been married to a certain Sphrantzes and was by this time a widow. With her female wiles, she wrapped Chabaron around her finger and won him over with love letters. He was all too susceptible for such things, though he was otherwise a good soldier. Now he was snared in that woman's trap. In view of this fact, Michael now defected openly. I received word of this dramatic turn of events while I was in Prilep. In much distress, I sent a letter to Michael Lascaris, explaining the whole situation to him and telling him that the rebel was nearing Pelagonia. I also asked him to hasten there himself so that we might join forces and decide on a course of action. We thus met in Pelagonia together with Scuterius Xyleas, whom we regarded as a good soldier well disposed to Byzantium. The Emperor Theodor also thought highly of him since the latter had much military experience. He found the emperor's favour not only as a person but also because of his favourable opinions about Byzantine rule. At our meeting we decided upon the following: Michael Lascaris was to set off from Berrhoia where he had pitched his camp, taking all of his army with him, both the Byzantine and Scythian (3) divisions, march to Pelagonia and prepare his forces there. Scuterius Xyleas was likewise to assemble his whole contingent of soldiers, which was even greater in numbers, and meet up with Michael Lascaris. They would then do battle together in the region of Pelagonia. This location was suitable not only for a battle against the Despot Michael, but also for fighting against the Serbs, who, as we learnt, had pledged their military support to Michael.
When the two promised to carry out our decisions, I left them and hastened to Ohrid with my retinue to find out whether I would be able to put the situation in Albania back in order. I resolved to send the imperial sewer, Isaac Nestongus, to Albania and gave the usual orders for him to assume the supreme command. I was well aware of the fact that I could make such decisions without the slightest danger, i.e. that I could replace any of the regional tax and government officials, military commanders or local authorities at whim. I then decided to set off for Albania myself to bring the situation in that country back under control and to find out what the sewer had actually accomplished. On my departure from Albania, I took the sewer and all the forces with me because the Albanian people had acted in advance and had already carried through with their uprising. They had all defected to the turncoat Despot Michael. Since I could see for myself that everything was in turmoil, I left Dibra, where I had spent more days than necessary and where the enemy had encircled us, and took Ohrid by storm with several members of my retinue. In Ohrid I left the sewer to guard the castle and, marching through Prespa and a place called Siderokastron, reached Prilep. There I had the impression of having arrived in a safe haven.
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